By Gabriel Christian
The year 2008 marks the 30th anniversary of Dominica’s independence from Britain. Many of us who championed that struggle can only grimace when we consider how often our leaders and people have failed to seize the opportunities before us—to champion the national interest and secure control of the means of production for the benefit of the vast majority of Dominicans.
The deterioration of commitment to nationalist principles—in philosophy and practice, both by government and governed—gives pause to the committed and confounds the best intentions of those who remain true to the cause. Today, beyond feting and slogans, we see scant genuine commitment to indigenous control of our affairs.
Recent events compel a sober reflection on our history as a people and, in particular, on the role of the Dominica Labour Party (DLP), which ushered in the era of independence and once considered itself the guardian of the national interest.
I. Rights We Now Take for Granted
Today many people take for granted:
● Our right to vote
● Laws which protect women
● Equal rights for descendants of Africans and for our Carib people
● The right to own land or a home
● Respect for our Creole culture and African heritage
● Our flag, our national anthem, and our national independence
● The fact that Dominicans can sit in Parliament and make decisions about local matters
It was not always so.
It is only within the last half century—1951 to be exact—that Dominicans gained the right to vote under a policy called universal adult suffrage. Prior to that, the right to vote was restricted to the propertied classes: overwhelmingly descendants of those who had conquered the island, seized land from the Caribs, and compelled captured Africans to work without pay for some 300 years.
In the early to mid-19th century, a few among the common people—Robert Douglas and J.B. Charles among them—had accumulated property by dint of wise investment, effort, and thrift; but they were a minority. Others gained influence through education, such as the distinguished attorney Cecil Rawle, whose bust stands atop a plinth at the top of Federation Drive. Men like Rawle became notable leaders in the early struggle for self-government.
II. The Rise of the Dominica Labour Party
Dominica’s first Chief Minister, Franklin Baron, led an administration that achieved some progress befitting local representation:
● Completion of the Imperial Road linking Marigot to Roseau in 1956
● Commencement of the Melville Hall Airport project in 1958
● Conception of the new Dominica Grammar School building in 1960
However, the island’s first political party, the Dominica Labour Party (DLP), was formed in 1956 by E.C. Loblack and Phyllis Shand Allfrey because they felt that not enough was being done to serve the majority population.
That majority—overwhelmingly peasant and working class—remained constrained in land ownership, access to proper health care, and education. Because slavery had severely limited the ability of the poor to acquire land, there was little trans-generational transfer of wealth. If parents were squatters and labourers, so too were their children.
Many Dominicans, groaning under the weight of this oppressive colonial system, fled to other countries—Curaçao, Aruba, Cuba, the U.S. Virgin Islands, Britain, the USA—to escape perpetual poverty. Those who remained included some who chose to fight for change and found their political home in the DLP.
III. Labour, Trade Unions, and the Movement for Self-Government
Some founders of the DLP had been members of Dominica’s first trade union, the Dominica Trade Union (DTU), formed in 1945. With such a base, they believed:
● Working people should earn a living wage
● Peasants should own the land they worked
● Dominica should achieve self-government and, ultimately, independence
In 1961, Edward Oliver LeBlanc led the DLP to a sweeping victory over the Dominica United People’s Party (DUPP) led by Baron. LeBlanc’s administration laid the foundations for many progressive changes we now take for granted:
● New secondary schools such as the Portsmouth Secondary School
● The Clifton Dupigny Technical College (now part of Dominica State College)
● Feeder roads connecting most villages
● Improved primary schools
● More high school scholarships
● A new Dominica Grammar School and Technical Wing
● Social Security
● The National Commercial & Development Bank
● The new Government Headquarters (Ministry building)
● The Deep Water Harbour project
● Multiple housing schemes that would follow
An exponent of literacy and education, LeBlanc promoted legislation that, in the words of former Commissioner of Police O.N. Phillip, “made it mandatory for children to attend primary school.” A truancy officer named “Frank” patrolled Roseau’s streets in the 1960s and early 1970s and would take into custody any child found wandering during school hours.
In 1967, LeBlanc led the island to Associated Statehood with Britain. For the first time, Dominicans had control of internal self-government, while Britain retained control of defence and foreign affairs.
IV. LeBlanc, Culture, and Regional Vision
A firm regionalist, LeBlanc hosted the hugely successful Expo 1969 Trade Fair at the Botanic Gardens, where each of the Windward Islands (Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia and Dominica) displayed their agricultural and industrial products. Grenada’s exhibit—a 30-foot high Nutmeg House with winding staircases and a fragrance infused with nutmeg—was particularly memorable.
LeBlanc, an avid exponent of Dominica’s history and Creole culture, commissioned three magazines between 1965 and 1970 titled Dies Dominica, and another publication, Aspects of Dominican History. During his rule—and for some time thereafter—National Day celebrations would typically conclude with a cultural concert at a large circular stage on the Botanic Gardens cricket field. Men recited poetry in Kwéyòl while women, dressed in the colourful Wob Dwiyet, danced to accordions, tambourines, shak-shak, lapeau cabwit drums, and bamboo horns.
V. From LeBlanc to Patrick John and Independence
In 1974, Premier LeBlanc stepped down and Patrick John succeeded him. John led the DLP to a resounding victory over the Dominica Freedom Party (DFP) in the 1975 elections, winning 16 of 21 seats. The DFP, led by Mary Eugenia Charles, failed to gain traction, viewed by many as the party of Roseau merchants and large landowners.
John continued some progressive policies:
● The “Buy Local” campaign
● New housing schemes at Bath Estate and River Estate
● The inauguration of the Canefield Airport
● Completion of the Treasury Computer Centre and the National Commercial & Development Bank building
In 1978, Premier Patrick John led Dominica to full independence.
VI. The National Question: Indigenous Control and Comparative Examples
Throughout its early history, the DLP focused on Dominicans being masters of their own destiny—the essence of the National Question. This meant promoting a policy of indigenous control of the means of production.
Such policies have propelled progress in many post-colonial societies: Malaysia, Singapore, Venezuela, India, and Cuba are all examples where local control of resources has helped ensure that national wealth benefits the greatest number.
In these countries, governments:
● Built broad alliances to expand national consensus
● Promoted self-reliance, even while courting foreign investment
● Ensured that the state or local citizens retained key roles in strategic sectors
● Encouraged the growth of local business and ownership classes
The results are clear:
● Singapore has accumulated vast foreign exchange reserves.
● Cuba has become a medical and educational power, sharing its expertise widely.
● India has achieved food security via its “Green Revolution” and become a science power.
● Venezuela has used its oil wealth to fund local industry and social programmes.
In Dominica, Prime Minister Roosevelt Skerrit has, in some respects, followed this broad path: reaching out to sectors traditionally opposed to the DLP, promoting the Dominica State College, and making land available to the landless. However, his actions have been inconsistent. Mounting complaints and concerns about ethics in office and adherence to the founding principles of the Labour movement have persisted, and many fear that party and country—whose fortunes are inextricably linked—may fall into ruin if these concerns are not addressed.
The legendary leaders of the Labour Party—Phyllis Shand Allfrey, E.C. Loblack, E.O. LeBlanc, H.L. Christian and others—were widely regarded as above reproach in their personal conduct and steadfast in their adherence to Dominican nationalism and social justice. That standard must remain our benchmark.
VII. A Brief Post-Independence History of Dominica
1. Crisis and the Fall of the John Government (1978–1979)
In early 1978, Patrick John dismissed two dynamic ministers—Mike Douglas and Ferdinand Parillon—accusing them of being communists and plotting against him. Douglas, along with his brother Roosevelt “Rosie” Douglas (leader of the Popular Independence Committees, PIC), had been one of the most vocal advocates of independence.
In earlier years, John inspired many young people—especially in Grand Bay, Portsmouth, and parts of Roseau—through his support for self-reliance, “buy local,” and socialism. But in the immediate pre-independence period he gradually abandoned those positions, became more authoritarian, and isolated himself with a small clique. Increasingly detached from the mass of the people and from his roots in the Waterfront and Allied Workers Union (WAWU), John lost touch with organized labour.
Under leaders such as Louis Benoit (“Zaboca”) of WAWU and Charles Savarin of the Civil Service Association (CSA), organized labour now sympathized with the DFP. The revived Dominica Farmers Union (DFU), led by Ted Honeychurch, Athie Martin and Alvin Armantrading, was seen as anti-government. The Dominica Federation of Students (DFS), led by Angus Aulard, Romus Lamothe, Agnes Esprit, Steve John, Debbie Douglas and its President, the author, had initially supported John’s call for independence, but became increasingly critical of his policies.
On January 29, 1979, the DFS organized a demonstration of high school students in Roseau in solidarity with the DFU and farmers demanding strong action to combat black sigatoka leaf spot disease ravaging bananas. The march ended in a massive rally at the Goodwill Savannah and foreshadowed the upheaval to come.
For a Labour Party born of the labour movement and supported overwhelmingly by farmers, this loss of support was a powerful sign of the widening gulf between government and governed.
2. The Free Port Controversy and the May 29 Uprising
In February 1979, the BBC’s Panorama sent a TV crew to interview John and investigate reports linking him to a South Africa–backed bank in London. His unconvincing answers deepened suspicion. Local news became more critical; opposition among youth, farmers, and business leaders grew.
John then proposed a Dominica Free Port Authority in the north, owned by Texan businessman Don Pierson, which would effectively place some of Dominica’s most fertile lands under foreign control. Pierson had been associated with Haitian dictator François “Papa Doc” Duvalier and the Zapata Oil Company, linked to the 1961 CIA-backed Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. The proposed lease: 99 years at a token sum of $99 per year, with the Free Port wielding its own laws and immigration regime, undermining the sovereignty of the new state.
This proposal, seen as a betrayal of DLP’s nationalist heritage, sparked fury among students, farmers, and workers. Rallies organized by the PIC, DFS, DFP, WAWU, CSA, and a new formation led by Mike Douglas—the Dominica Democratic Alliance (DDA)—were held nationwide.
On March 2, 1979, Don Pierson met with DFS student leaders at Dominica Grammar School. He was unable or unwilling to answer basic questions about who would control income from the Free Port and refused to provide copies of the contract. He was openly rebuked and booed before leaving.
When John later moved to muzzle the media and curtail trade union activism, Dominicans protested. On May 29, 1979, the Dominica Defence Force (DDF) opened fire on stone-throwing protesters outside Parliament. Fifteen were seriously wounded and Philip Timothy, the son of Labour Party supporters, was killed. His father worked as a gardener for Premier John. Timothy’s martyrdom must never be forgotten.
In response, civil servants, workers, and students shut down schools, government offices, and businesses nationwide. Disenchanted Labourites were among the first to call for John’s resignation.
3. The Committee of National Salvation and the Interim Government
Rosie Douglas called for a Committee of National Salvation, bringing together all opposition forces, and on May 30, 1979, promoted the founding of the Dominica Liberation Movement (DLM).
During the unrest following May 29, some innocent Labour supporters had their homes and businesses attacked. Zones of control emerged: the airport, the entire north, Grand Bay, and parts of the southeast fell under left-leaning DLM influence; the DFP’s strength lay in Roseau and surrounding suburbs, where sometimes-armed groups patrolled in fear of a mercenary intervention allegedly being arranged by John.
John, holed up in the Prime Minister’s residence at Morne Bruce, declared on radio: “Citizens of Dominica! I shall never surrender! I shall not resign!”
Alarmed by the drift toward chaos, the DLM set up revolutionary committees on June 16, 1979, to buttress its control in the countryside. The DDF and Royal Dominica Police Force remained mostly barracks-bound and unable to maintain order. On the night of June 17, 1979, the House of Assembly was burned. Some Labour supporters, and even some DLM members, were attacked by DFP partisans who feared a Grenada-style revolution.
Realizing that the situation was spiraling out of control, several Labour ministers—Oliver J. Seraphine (O.J.), H.L. Christian, Eustace Francis, and others—resigned and joined a broad coalition government together with the DFP and DLM leaders: Mike Douglas, Rosie Douglas, Para Riviere, Bernard Wiltshire, Lloyd Pascal, Athie Martin, Pierre Charles, Ron Green and others.
The Committee of National Salvation crafted an interim government led by O.J. Seraphine—Dominica’s first coalition government—which brought the country back from the brink of civil war. Mike Douglas served as Minister of Finance; Athie Martin as Minister of Agriculture; human rights lawyer Brian Alleyne and former senior civil servant Charles Maynard were among those given portfolios.
Over time, the DFP withdrew its support as it positioned itself for the 1980 elections. Rosie Douglas and Athie Martin were later expelled from the interim government as Seraphine sought to reassure the United States that his administration was not leftist.
4. Hurricane David and International Aid
On August 29, 1979, Hurricane David devastated Dominica, with winds exceeding 200 mph. When the Royal Navy’s HMS Fife arrived, it found widespread destruction; miraculously, “only” 67 Dominicans died.
Massive aid came from the UK, USA, Venezuela, France, and other Caribbean neighbours. Jamaica sent its Coast Guard. Helicopters from various nations criss-crossed the island, rescuing stranded people and dropping emergency supplies. The heavy thud of boxes hitting the ground—“brogodow!”—entered our vocabulary, used thereafter to describe all relief items: “I had some brogodow for breakfast” or “He is wearing brogodow.”
Rosie Douglas and Bernard Wiltshire, aided by Grenadian leader Maurice Bishop, went to Cuba and solicited assistance. Bishop and Cuba’s economic minister Héctor Rodríguez Llompart visited Dominica for talks with Seraphine’s interim government. Cuba offered a 500-bed hospital and 100 scholarships. Pressured by the United States, Dominica accepted only 11 scholarships and US$100,000. However, at Fidel Castro’s urging, the Non-Aligned Movement, meeting in Havana in September 1979, raised US$13 million for Dominica, including US$1 million from Saddam Hussein of Iraq, US$10,000 from Yasser Arafat of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and US$1 million from Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran. Some of that assistance later materialized in projects such as the Simon Bolivar Housing Scheme at Stock Farm.
5. The 1980 Elections and the Rise of the Dominica Freedom Party
In the July 20, 1980 elections, the DFP emerged victorious.
● For the first time in a Dominican election, a helicopter and a Goodyear blimp were used.
● The blimp, emblazoned “VOTE DEM LAB,” was owned by O.J. Seraphine’s Democratic Labour Party and towed by a trawler leased from Guyana’s Forbes Burnham to the PIC.
● O.J. Seraphine moved from rally to rally by helicopter.
Bob Woodward later reported that, fearful of further revolutions like those in Grenada and Nicaragua, the CIA provided US$100,000 and other support to the DFP. Seraphine’s Dem Lab hastily distributed plastic cowboy hats and relief materials such as galvanize to shore up support, but this failed.
The DFP, by contrast, staged a massive island-wide motorcade dubbed “The Freedom Train.” In Cold War fashion, conservative DFP partisans wore T-shirts printed: “No Russia! No Cuba! No Labour!” The DLM ran an educational campaign emphasizing land reform, light industry, equal rights for women and Caribs, support for African liberation, and good relations with Cuba and the Non-Aligned Movement. Underfunded and disorganized, it garnered about 12% of the vote.
Heavily Christian, the population was warned that a DLM victory would mean closed churches and expropriated land and possessions. The DLM was painted as a communist menace. Many Dominicans, weary of instability, saw the DFP under the solid, establishment lawyer Mary Eugenia Charles as a guarantor of order. The DFP won with just 51% of the popular vote; the rest was split between Seraphine’s Democratic Labour Party and Patrick John’s DLP.
The sign at DLP headquarters in Roseau reads: “National Independence & Progress.” Yet the DLP did not lose power in 1980 because it had promoted independence and social justice; it lost because its leadership deviated from those core values. When the party strayed from its philosophical moorings, the DFP found its opening.
Dominica has a long tradition of civic activism and a critical, independent press. Our people possess a deeply rooted expectation that any government must govern with competence and integrity. When that expectation is violated, the electorate eventually calls leaders to account. That standard was set by early leaders such as Loblack, Allfrey, and LeBlanc; once lost, the DLP fell from grace.
VIII. The Freedom Party Years and the Limits of Stability
The early DFP years were marked by continued instability. Dominica’s small army, the DDF, was disbanded in mid-1981 after involvement in coup plotting at the instigation of Patrick John.
In 1981, John and DDF Captain Malcolm Reid were arrested and jailed following a tip from Algernon “Maffie,” who refused to join a foreign mercenary invasion plot. John had sought alliances with Nazis and Ku Klux Klan members in Operation Red Dog, alongside white supremacists Mike Perdue and Wolfgang Droege.
Several people died as a result of these machinations: Police Officer Alexander, DDF Corporal Howell Piper, and DDF Sergeant-Major Ashton Benjamin, among others. During the December 18, 1981 coup attempt, DDF soldiers attacked and briefly held Police Headquarters in a night gun battle, severely wounding Commissioner Oliver N. Phillip as he bravely tried to retake the building. The rebels also attacked the Stock Farm Prison in an attempt to free Patrick John, Malcolm Reid, and DBS radio personality Dennis Joseph. DDF Commander Major Franklin Newton was later hanged for his role. In this descent into madness, misdirection and lust for power reached their apogee.
Despite these early convulsions, the DFP governed for fifteen years and brought relative stability:
● The banana industry expanded
● The general standard of living improved
● Educational opportunities increased somewhat
● Primary health care received a boost
Prime Minister Charles achieved notable prominence in foreign affairs. As head of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), she supported US-led intervention in Grenada on October 25, 1983, after Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and others were executed at Fort Rupert and a Revolutionary Military Council, led by General Hudson Austin, imposed a 24-hour curfew.
Having studied Latin and French at the Grenada Convent as a young woman, Charles felt a deep affinity for Grenada, as did most Dominicans. Her leadership in the OECS and her appearance with Ronald Reagan at the White House gained her international respect.
Yet, despite these successes, little was done to transform Dominica’s mono-crop banana economy. Bananas did well, and complacency prevailed. There was no great urgency to diversify into agro-processing or other income streams, though the Taiwanese Agricultural Mission introduced new fruit varieties. Cruise ship berths were built in Roseau and Portsmouth, and some tourism marketing was done, but the productive base remained narrow.
Mary Eugenia Charles herself was viewed as honest and personally untainted by scandal. Her ministers were generally seen as competent. Early in her term she fired Minister of Public Works Henry “Babs” Dyer over alleged misuse of a ministry truck, a dramatic signal of her no-nonsense approach and a reassurance to the emerging middle class that honesty mattered.
However, she lacked the visionary, inclusive leadership needed to mobilize Dominicans in large numbers to build a more prosperous society. Caught in US-led Cold War dynamics, her administration marginalized many with opposing political views; Dominican graduates of Cuban universities were not fully embraced in development planning. No concerted effort was made to create a new economic platform for the growing number of secondary school graduates. As a result, approximately 10,000 Dominicans migrated during that period in search of opportunities.
IX. The Return of Labour and New Alliances (1990–2004)
It was largely due to the selfless work of figures such as Mike Douglas, Rosie Douglas, Pierre Charles, and others between 1980 and 2000 that a Labour return to power became possible—ironically, in alliance with its old rival, the DFP.
In the 1990s, when Labour seemed unable to dislodge the entrenched DFP, the United Workers Party (UWP) emerged. It was formed by successful businessmen such as Julius Timothy, Sheridan Gregoire, and Norris Prevost, who had risen from modest backgrounds through education and hard work. Ronald Green, former DLM leader and community development activist, joined the UWP, bringing with him former DLM sympathizers and Cuban-trained graduates such as Sobers Esprit and Julian Prevost. Lennox Linton, a widely respected journalist, became a prominent ally.
By 1995, the UWP had sufficient support to defeat the DFP. In office, it:
● Championed universal secondary education
● Built new roads and schools
● Established diplomatic relations with Cuba
● Sent more students to overseas universities in four years than any prior government
Though it claimed to be a social democratic party like the DLP, the UWP appeared to lack a clear, coherent philosophical compass. Allegations soon surfaced that some ministers were engaged in unethical behaviour and were awarding contracts to political allies at the expense of transparency and good governance. Whether or not these accusations were entirely fair, they contributed to the UWP’s defeat in the 2000 elections.
Roosevelt “Rosie” Douglas became Prime Minister in 2000. Considered an independence hero for his role in that movement and for his leadership in the Canadian civil rights struggle, he attempted to build broad alliances—particularly among the diaspora—but soon faced cabinet infighting and criticisms of poor management.
Douglas was, by temperament, not wedded to desk work, but he inspired overseas Dominicans to invest time and resources in the homeland. In September 2000, he embarked on a trade and investment mission to Europe and the United States. On September 22, 2000, at Georgetown University in Washington, DC, he delivered his last major address, calling for:
● Friendship and understanding with the United States
● Improved education for Dominicans
● Greater market access for Caribbean products
● Assistance in science, technology, and agriculture
Upon his return, he faced rumours of attempts to unseat him. On October 1, 2000, he died from a massive heart attack under circumstances many close to him found suspicious.
Rosie’s greatest legacy to Dominica was the reinvigoration of patriotic sentiment and an energized diaspora more engaged in development. In his honour, the Roosevelt Douglas Foundation was founded in October 2000. In partnership with the Dominica Academy of Arts and Sciences (DAAS), three “Diaspora in the Development Process” symposiums were held—Brooklyn (2001), London (2002), and Roseau (2002)—to promote unity and development among Dominicans at home and abroad.
X. Pierre Charles, Roosevelt Skerrit, and the New Era
Rosie was succeeded by Pierre “Pierro” Charles of Grand Bay, former General Secretary of the National Youth Council and frontline leader in the national liberation struggle. A founding member of the Dominica–Cuba Friendship Society, he led Dominica’s delegation to the 11th World Festival of Youth and Students in July 1978.
Charles took office amidst economic crisis and stringent IMF conditions. As Prime Minister (2000–2003) he steered Dominica away from financial collapse at a time of low banana prices and constrained public revenue. Yet he also suffered cabinet infighting and calls for his resignation from younger ministers who opposed his leadership style and policies. Under tremendous stress, his health deteriorated and he died of a heart attack on January 4, 2004.
He was replaced by a young, US-educated teacher of considerable charisma, Roosevelt Skerrit. Prime Minister Skerrit quickly:
● Established ties with the People’s Republic of China and obtained funding to complete the Windsor Park Stadium (which the UWP had left as a mere excavation)
● Fostered close relations with Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez and facilitated construction of an oil storage facility at Belfast
● Led Dominica into the Venezuelan-led Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), accessing financial assistance to cushion the effects of low productivity and structural weaknesses in the economy
● Accepted Cuban assistance to refurbish the nursing school and staff an intensive care unit at Princess Margaret Hospital
Skerrit’s success in mobilizing foreign assistance was notable and, in some respects, exceptional. However, allegations of unethical conduct, lack of accountability, and opacity in governance grew louder over time. After considerable delay, the government only inaugurated the Integrity in Public Office (IPO) Act in September 2008, following sustained public outcry.
XI. How We Treat Each Other: Team Building and National Character
The double shock of losing two Prime Ministers—Rosie Douglas in 2000 and Pierre Charles in 2004—to heart attacks within five years deprived the Labour government of two selfless, courageous leaders. Whatever their detractors may have said, neither man was widely accused of self-seeking or unethical conduct in office.
Few, however, reflected on what their sudden deaths might reveal about our society. What behaviours, patterns of interpersonal conflict, indiscipline, or contempt for respect and charity of spirit may have contributed to their burdens? What perverse human interventions—or karmic forces, if one believes in such—conspired to end the lives of these two legendary leaders?
We must be frank, even at the risk of condemnation or scorn. In my view, too many Dominicans today are coarse, rude, dishonest, hateful, lacking in amity, prone to corrosive jealousy, profane, and averse to team building. Too few are respectful in their daily dealings or generous in their praise of colleagues and neighbours. Civic organizations are weak; few see themselves as agents of social change. Too many are comfort-seeking spectators or perpetual critics. Ruthless partisanship dominates, the centre cannot hold, and genuine do-gooders are too few, while scoundrels occupy both low and high places.
Scant regard is paid to appeals to “the better angels of our nature.” Loyalty to principle is rare; promises are broken easily. Arrogance abounds, and few recognize that constructive interpersonal relationships are key to national development.
In advanced societies, the study of human behaviour and team dynamics is a major enterprise. It teaches cooperation, collaboration, and effective team-building—traits often lacking in our society and government. All Dominicans, in and out of government, must reflect on the essential elements of team building: competence, loyalty, integrity, and mutual respect—without which no movement or civilization can endure.
XII. Spiritual Transformation and the Struggle for Development
Those who formed the DLP, DFP, DLM, or UWP began with a mental vision before taking action. Thought precedes action. Yet we repeatedly feel disappointed by politicians and leaders of all stripes because we fail to appreciate a crucial truth: real change and development must first begin within—the realm of spirit and character.
A person dedicated to a spiritual path of sharing, love, and progress can be recognized by:
● The issues they focus on in the material realm
● Their attitude toward money and power
● Whether they keep their promises
● Whether they handle other people’s resources honestly
● Whether they abuse their offices for personal gain
● Whether they consistently pursue the national interest
● Whether they volunteer to lift the quality of life in their community
● Whether they help educate our people for a better future
● Whether they succumb easily to pleasure-seeking in “wine, women, and song”
● Whether they grow arrogant once they obtain power
● Whether they are charitable in spirit
● Whether they are profane or abusive
● Whether they acknowledge their faults and apologize
● Whether they are ostentatious in dress and material display
Our internal moral compass is shaped by what feeds our thoughts: what we read, watch, listen to, and experience.
If one believes in God, one accepts that we are channels of a Supreme Being. Yet simply professing belief does not cure what ails us. We must live the word, organize around it, and teach it in ways that transform society. We must embody the gospel of social change in our own lives or we will continue to disappoint ourselves and our people.
Too many leaders prey on the ignorance and vulnerability of our people, making vacuous promises or attempting to buy loyalty with trinkets. They deny our people historical and political education that would empower them with independent thought.
When last has any leader convened a national assembly to discuss our Constitution and reaffirm our founding principles?
XIII. The Constitutional Preamble: Forgotten Foundations
The preamble to our 1978 Independence Constitution captures the founding ethos of our nation:
WHEREAS the People of Dominica—
1. Have affirmed that the Commonwealth of Dominica is founded upon principles that acknowledge the supremacy of God, faith in fundamental human rights and freedoms, the position of the family in a society of free men and free institutions, the dignity of the human person, and the equal and inalienable rights with which all members of the human family are endowed by their Creator;
2. Respect the principles of social justice and therefore believe that the operation of the economic system should result in so distributing the material resources of the community as to subserve the common good; that there should be adequate means of livelihood for all; that labour should not be exploited or forced by economic necessity to operate in inhumane conditions but that there should be opportunity for advancement on the basis of recognition of merit, ability and integrity;
3. Have asserted their belief in a democratic society in which persons may, to the extent of their capacity, play some part in the institutions of the national life and thus develop and maintain due respect for lawfully constituted authority;
4. Recognise that men and institutions remain free only when freedom is founded upon respect for moral and spiritual values and the rule of law;
5. Desire that their Constitution should make provision for ensuring the protection in the Commonwealth of Dominica of fundamental human rights and freedoms;
NOW, THEREFORE, the following provisions shall have effect as the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Dominica.
These words resonate with ideas of social justice, family, common good, integrity, rule of law, merit, and moral and spiritual values. What becomes of such founding principles when we cease to practice them—or even to know them?
We cannot plant bananas and reap oranges. Likewise, we cannot expect civic responsibility and patriotism where these are neither consistently taught nor modeled—especially by those who lead.
We must:
● Introduce civics in schools
● Develop a National Patriotic Education (NPE) programme
● Familiarize students with the Constitution, civic duties, and sound business practices
Properly implemented, such initiatives could inspire most Dominicans to exert maximum effort toward national progress. Absent such effort, we will remain mired in backwardness.
The preamble to our Constitution should be placed in every school, office, store, church, and home in any serious country intent on development.
Those of us who are conscious must help our people gain a firm command of our history and struggles. That knowledge allows for better choices and more critical thinking. Without it, we blindly parade under party labels—Labour, Freedom, UWP—without fully grasping what those affiliations mean for our development and survival.
XIV. A National Motto and the Spirit of Koudmen
To survive and thrive, we need a unifying motto and philosophy rooted in our noble legacy. At our 30th anniversary of independence, a fitting guiding motto might be:
“Unity in the Cause of Merit, National Independence, and Social Justice for All.”
Or we may reaffirm Koudmen—cooperative, collective effort—as our guiding principle, just as it was for our ancestors who survived the poverty and degradation of slavery and colonialism through mutual aid.
Koudmen also underpinned the successful growth of cooperative credit unions across Dominica in the 1950s. A new motto might be:
“Koudmen, Justice, and Prosperity.”
Other nations have rallied around similar principles:
● The United States draws moral power from its constitutional preamble that “all men are created equal.”
● The ethic of Italia Irredenta drove Italy’s unification.
● Cuban nationalism, inspired by José Martí and the cry Patria o Muerte (“Homeland or Death”), fueled its independence struggle.
● India’s vision is of “a sovereign socialist secular democratic republic with justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity for all.”
Singapore, with less land, fewer natural resources, and a more heterogeneous population than Dominica, seemed at a disadvantage at independence. Yet its visionary leadership adopted a clear guiding philosophy:
“Reward for Work” and “Work for Reward.”
Meritocracy is practiced to reward hard work and talent, giving everyone equal opportunity regardless of race, religion, or socio-economic background.
Former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew emphasized honesty, hard work, thrift, competence, loyalty, and integrity in governance, transforming Singapore into a financial powerhouse. Criticized by some as authoritarian due to his insistence on discipline, he made it mandatory for government leaders to have served in the Singapore National Cadet Corps (SNCC) whose motto is “Leaders of Character for the Future.”
In our region, Barbados has developed what many consider the most competent government system in the Caribbean, anchored by an exemplary cadet programme that fosters love of country and high standards of performance.
Once we commit to a guiding philosophy, we must practice it faithfully. While individuals are free to embrace different religions, our national philosophy should serve as a kind of secular faith. Words must be matched by actions.
There are many resource-rich countries where the people are poor because leadership never underwent a true spiritual transformation in the interest of all. Spiritual leadership is found where good words are matched by good deeds. Our heroes are remembered precisely because they served the common good, not themselves.
XV. Mental Slavery, Self-Hate, and the “Country First” Principle
For our society to progress, we must trust one another and trust the people. We cannot build a nation while routinely mistrusting each other, governing through secret deals, or favouring outsiders over our own.
This distrust is not limited to politicians. Dominican waiters in restaurants often attend to foreign visitors before serving their own people—a symptom of internalized inferiority. The mental shackles of 300 years of slavery and colonialism still bind many minds. We have not fully heeded Bob Marley’s injunction: “Emancipate yourself from mental slavery, none but ourselves can free our minds.”
That mental slavery and self-hate have real costs:
● They fuel crime and the imitation of imported thug lifestyles.
● They drive us to lash out at each other without knowing why.
● They sustain blind favoritism toward foreign interests in agriculture, industry, and services.
The same Dominican worker who is lackadaisical at home often works two or three jobs overseas—partly due to the immigrant ethic, but also because of an enabling environment where fair reward for honest work is more likely.
We must teach better work habits and thrift, especially to young Dominicans seduced by consumerism and the lure of easy money from the drug trade. Even the casual use of “brother,” “sister,” or “comrade” has become hollow where behaviour contradicts those terms of endearment.
Dominica is a blessed land with the potential to be an oasis in a fractured world, but we must put our house in order—both mentally and materially. We have enormous value to contribute to humanity, but we must know and believe it. Divided and confused, we diminish ourselves and export our people to enrich other lands.
XVI. Putting Dominica and Dominicans First
Putting Dominica or Dominicans first does not mean rejecting foreigners or foreign investment. Rather, it means insisting that all investment serve a coherent national development strategy.
Today, however, we witness behaviour that diverges from our historic commitment to the national interest. In key sectors—energy, telecommunications, commerce—Dominicans risk being relegated to petty roles while being disinherited from control of the commanding heights of the economy.
Foreign investment must be guided by a strategic plan that:
● Strengthens our people’s skills, capital base, and institutions
● Avoids capricious, whimsical deals
● Preserves sovereignty over key national assets
To do otherwise is to exchange one colonial master for another.
A recent and dramatic example was the government’s decision to grant a geothermal energy licence to a foreign concern, despite local leadership from the Dominica Sustainable Energy Corporation (DSEC) and later the Clean Energy Corporation of Dominica, which had pioneered renewable energy development.
These local entities advocated that energy resources be owned and managed by a Government-Linked Company (GLC), as is done in countries like India, Singapore, and Malaysia. They proposed establishing a National Renewable Energy Agency to ensure broad public benefit. Instead:
● No such agency was created.
● The government’s own energy unit was bypassed.
● No local lawyer or government adviser has publicly stated that they reviewed or approved the licence before it was signed.
The misnamed West Indies Power company was granted hegemony over geothermal development in the south for a meagre 2–3% royalty. The contract—which affected national territory and national resources—was not made public prior to signature and apparently was not reviewed by any independent regulatory body.
This behaviour is a betrayal of Labour’s philosophy and of the national interest, especially at the 30th anniversary of independence. Modern nation-states run on energy. Without control of our energy resources and the income generated from them, our independence risks becoming symbolic rather than substantive.
XVII. Lessons from the Newly Industrialized Countries
Absent a “country first” focus, none of the Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs) in Asia would have prospered. Their governments wove together:
● Self-reliance principles
● Economic and social justice
● Ethical leadership
● Innovations in management and science
In 1979, the DLP lost power when it forgot these nationalist principles; before that, its policies were largely unassailable and yielded major victories. Future victories are possible only if we remain focused on putting the people’s interest first. Defeat is certain where selfishness and avarice prevail.
All Dominicans should strive to understand our history and honour our heroes. We must study the principles that inspired Loblack, Allfrey, LeBlanc, Rosie, and Pierro. They were nationalists and socialists in the best sense—putting love of island and people, and the pursuit of social justice, above self.
Even Eugenia Charles, though often criticized by those favouring a more socialist path, continued many DLP-initiated social programmes and was never credibly accused of using office to enrich herself or selling off national assets through secret contracts. Indeed, she regained control of Domlec from foreign owners—a decision we should revisit in light of subsequent privatization.
The UWP, for its part, reached out to Cuba and prioritized higher education via such alliances, continuing the broad social democratic tradition. Where the UWP was perceived as self-dealing or acting contrary to the national interest, it lost respect and ultimately power.
History shows that the majority of Dominicans will not support any government perceived as corrupt, unethical, or treacherous toward the nation. This is a lesson we ignore at our peril.
XVIII. The Global Crisis and Our Vulnerability
In some countries today, greed, unethical behaviour in public office, racism, class prejudice, and imperial ambitions have led to decline. As of October 10, 2008, the greed of Wall Street traders and segments of the US corporate elite has contributed to the near-collapse of the US economy. Those who once championed unregulated “free markets” now demand that the state rescue them with US$700 billion of taxpayers’ money.
This raises serious questions for us:
● Will our government ever be in a position to rescue our people if critical industries—energy, information technology, agriculture—are firmly in foreign hands?
● How will we accumulate capital to propel our economy and feed our people if we own little at home?
● Who will bail us out if our leaders refuse to support strategic national initiatives like Ronald Abraham’s Marpin Telecoms or a Government-linked geothermal company such as proposed by Clean Energy Corporation?
Today, our land is being stripped for aggregate exports dominated by non-Dominican companies. Our people receive a pittance, and there is scant accountability in the extraction of this non-renewable resource. Without control of the commanding heights of the economy, we cannot truly prosper. We will remain subject to a form of modern economic slavery.
Historically, the DLP has been about more than holding office. It has stood for social justice and the national interest. Holding office must always be a means to advance those principles—not an end in itself.
XIX. Culture, Identity, and the Labour Legacy
The struggle for national liberation does not end with attaining office. For the founders of the DLP, true victory required transforming society in all spheres.
Hence their promotion of:
● Local art, poetry, prose, and music
● A new national dress, including the shirt-jac
● Creole music and local cuisine
● The “Buy Local” campaign
They espoused values rooted in service to the less privileged, ethical conduct, national and cultural pride, and equality of opportunity—values consistent with the Christian principles held by most of our people. The DLP, therefore, was born of a desire to maximize freedom for the many, not the few. This legacy remains rich and worth emulating.
Absent a clear set of guiding principles, victories can be hijacked by opportunists who crave power and privilege but possess little sense of civic duty or patriotism.
After the DLP’s defeat in 1980, former Attorney General Eustace “Hazelwood” Francis remarked: “The DLP was founded upon a fortress of good intentions.” We must never lose sight of that foundation.
May we always maintain clarity on the national question and remain faithful to those who gave their best years and lives for the rise of the common man and woman in Dominica to dignity and decency. Betraying that noble cause can only lead to defeat and ruin.
XX. Toward a Politics of Strategic Convergence
In 2008, faced with a global economic crisis and an increasingly undisciplined and unjust society, only a broad democratic front of patriotic leaders and an informed, energized citizenry imbued with civic virtue can avert disaster.
The tribalism of Labour, Freedom Party, and Workers Party must give way to unity on core principles—especially honesty in public and private life. Slogans such as “I support my party, right or wrong!” or “Leave my Prime Minister alone!” insult our intelligence. They serve only to cover up wrongdoing and divert attention from issues that genuinely affect our lives.
Abraham Lincoln, echoing the New Testament, said: “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” Within two years of that statement, the US descended into civil war.
At year 30 of independence, we are as divided as in 1979. The Labour/Freedom coalition of 2000 lies in tatters. Many progressives who once backed Labour now identify with the UWP or its ally, the People’s Democratic Movement (PDM) of Dr. William Riviere. There is no meaningful structure for inclusion and consultation between government and opposition—an outcome opposite to the alliance-building vision of Rosie Douglas.
And yet, we have more in common than we think:
● No reputable party opposes free education or socialized health care.
● No reputable party openly opposes land reform or land ownership for the landless.
● No reputable party advocates a return to class and colour prejudice.
● No reputable party calls for the sell-out of the country to foreign interests or a return to colonial rule.
Given this, the time has come to acknowledge the broadly social democratic nature of Dominican society and craft a strategic convergence among all major parties. This convergence would focus on making real the principles embedded in our constitutional preamble and in the Labour tradition of social justice and national interest.
Strategic convergence means coming together around a shared set of guiding principles to save the nation. It means investing time and resources in cooperation for the common good instead of perpetual mutual destruction.
Such principles might include:
1. Teaching civics in and out of schools
2. Promoting volunteerism in the national interest
3. Upholding integrity-driven government and the rule of law
4. Establishing Dominica as a meritocratic state
5. Developing a national patriotic education programme
6. Developing Dominica’s fisheries, agriculture, light industry, and merchant marine
7. Making Dominica a showcase of renewable energy science
8. Including opposition members in commissions and meaningful aspects of development planning
9. Providing parliamentary representation for diaspora communities and creating financial mechanisms to leverage their contributions
10. Promoting an economic system in which the state fosters social equity and “the greatest good for the greatest number”
11. Ensuring that the commanding heights of the economy are owned and managed in the national interest, with income benefiting the majority—not a narrow elite
12. Promoting a culture of excellence, innovation, disciplined productivity, and a love of justice for all
This list is not exhaustive, but it provides a robust template for consensus.
We must also revisit existing policy frameworks such as the Integrated Development Plan (IDP) and the Diaspora Policy Paper (DPP)—documents commissioned by government that now seem to languish in obscurity.
XXI. Crisis, Leadership, and the Road Ahead
Bringing political leaders together is difficult, but we have done it before in times of crisis—such as in 1979. With low productivity, a floundering banana industry, and high unemployment, we face crisis again. For now, we are cushioned by Venezuelan budgetary support, EU assistance, and gifts from allies like China, but we cannot live by aid alone.
Only a strategic convergence among all patriotic forces can meet the challenges of the 2008 financial crisis and beyond.
The party or leader best able to forge such a united front will be best positioned to protect and promote the national interest. The leadership we now need must be:
● Visionary and diligent
● Calm yet passionate enough to inspire and unite
● Firm yet flexible, willing to take good counsel
● Surrounded not by sycophants but by wise men and women
● Above reproach in dealing with gifts, favours, or privileges of office
● Consistent in championing the national interest
● Humble yet dignified, with the strength to accept criticism and practice self-criticism
● Willing to apologize and make amends when wrong
Who will that leader be? Only time will tell.
But without strategic convergence and sure-footed leadership, we risk plunging the nation into fratricidal political conflict, making Dominica a failed state.
Let us therefore bind ourselves to a course of unity and patriotism. With such unity, we cannot lose. Without it, we cannot win victory for our people. In doing so, we will honour our ancestors and give true meaning to our 30th anniversary of independence.